• Skip to main content
  • Skip to header right navigation
  • Skip to site footer

My Cradock

My Cradock

Cradock News Classifieds and Directory

  • Home
  • About
  • Accommodation
  • Business
  • Events
  • Free Business Advert
  • Submit News
You are here: Home / Archives for online

online

29 July 2013 by Guest

ON THE WATER: Diesel and fishing, a perfect match

IT IS not that easy to go fishing in South Africa and that is how it should be, within reason. It is the job of the member (of the Upper Jukskei Fly-fishing Collective) to decide what is reasonable, as the more difficult it is to fish, the greater the chances that the member will not …

IT IS not that easy to go fishing in South Africa and that is how it should be, within reason. It is the job of the member (of the Upper Jukskei Fly-fishing Collective) to decide what is reasonable, as the more difficult it is to fish, the greater the chances that the member will not encounter other wannabes on the water.

What is unreasonable, however, is what agriculturists concerned about household food security call the cost of transactions. Take your average subsistence farmer, who grows her patch of maize in the back country, where the member likes to fish. When she finally gets her crop off the field and threshed, she has to ship to the nearest roller mill on the back of someone else’s blue bakkie.

There, her return is subject to the spot price for maize, which, at harvest time, is at its lowest. Then, with a handful of small bills tucked into her brassiere, she must buy maize meal from a retailer, who sources the supply, ultimately, from Randfontein in Gauteng. In between, there are vast distances and huge costs. The upshot is that the value added to her produce before it gets to the table is disproportionate to the cost. Most of this is transport cost. The panacea, of course, lies in infrastructure development. So roads are being built and Transnet alleges it is reviving the freight-rail system. The question is whether it is the right kind of infrastructure, not just the type that favours large state tenders.

Fly-fishers face similar problems. The cost of diesel to fuel the member’s fish-mobile does not sit well with his bean counter, for one thing. Another is the encroachment of coal mining on the best fishing spots in Mpumalanga. But now there is hope with the news that the state’s sugar-beet biofuel plant at Cradock in the Eastern Cape is proceeding apace. Apparently, outside of slashing the member’s fuel bill, it will also create about 20,000 jobs.

Or will it? You have to wonder why, if it was such a good idea, South Africa’s vast sugar surplus (about 50% of the yield) is not already being turned into biofuel. And what about the existing electricity co-generation capacity at the sugar mills that power their own production? You have to wonder, too, if the demand for maize increases with a demand for biofuel feedstock whether the transaction costs for existing maize production will not fall considerably.

The government obviously has other ideas. That means fly-fishers and subsistence farmers have to look to themselves to solve their problem. According to the internet, almost anyone can build a biodiesel plant using just about anything as feedstock, so the member thinks that if the collective provides a little capital for small biodiesel plants in places that coincide with the best fishing spots, maize growers could make diesel right there for the exclusive use of fly-fishers.

That way we can cut out the bureaucrats and tenderpreneurs and sundry parasites, who raise the cost of transactions beyond what fly-fishers and other poor rural folk should endure. And keep away the riffraff.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
25 July 2013 by Guest

IFP Concerned Over the High Accident Rate in Eastern Cape

The IFP is very concerned at the high rate of motor vehicle accidents in the Eastern Cape. There have been a large number of accidents very recently, some of which have also involved school pupils. IFP Spokesperson on Transport, Mr Petros Sithole said, “The accident that killed four people and left 6 children and 4 …

The IFP is very concerned at the high rate of motor vehicle accidents in the Eastern Cape. There have been a large number of accidents very recently, some of which have also involved school pupils.

IFP Spokesperson on Transport, Mr Petros Sithole said, “The accident that killed four people and left 6 children and 4 adults injured between Cradock and Graaff Reinet is an example of the road carnage that is occurring in the Eastern Cape on a daily basis. The IFP has raised its concerns about the growing number of accidents in the Eastern Cape many times but there is yet to any intervention by the National Department of Transport and the Eastern Cape Provincial Department.”

“We urge the Eastern Cape MEC on transport to intervene in this disturbing trend and come forward with her Department’s programme to intervene and curb the increasing number of vehicle accidents in the Eastern Cape,” concluded Sithole.

Issued by: IFP Spokesperson on Transport, Mr Petros Sithole MP, 079 311 9995

Or contact:

IFP Parliamentary Caucus’ Media Liaison Officer, Ms Boniswa Tiwe, 072 497 1252

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
21 July 2013 by Guest

Opel fan wins Autobahn trip

Johannesburg-based Jacques Oosthuizen has won Opel SA’s ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ competition. Oosthuizen and a friend will get to visit the home of Opel and experience a drive on Germany’s famed Autobahn. The ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ competition featured 3704 players racing for a top leaderboard spot in the virtual Opel Astra OPC game on Opel SA’s …

Johannesburg-based Jacques Oosthuizen has won Opel SA’s ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ competition.

Oosthuizen and a friend will get to visit the home of Opel and experience a drive on Germany’s famed Autobahn.

The ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ competition featured 3704 players racing for a top leaderboard spot in the virtual Opel Astra OPC game on Opel SA’s Facebook page. The twenty fastest competitors made it through to the final round, which was held at the Gerotek vehicle testing facility in Pretoria on 13 July. All participants were given first-hand experience of the Opel Astra OPC’s dynamic handling, power and agility as they faced the final, and real world, test of their driving ability.

“We had an early start at Gerotek on Saturday morning but I was pleased to see twenty very passionate Opel fans arrive with smiles on their faces. The atmosphere was cheerful with a few nervous participants who couldn’t contain their excitement at getting the opportunity to drive the Astra OPC,” said Opel Advertising Analyst, Mokete Seakamela.

The participants were taken through a presentation about driving awareness, basic road skills and mechanical knowledge of the OPC by the Opel Academy instructor Grant McCleery.

The first challenge was on the dynamic handling track, where participants were tested on cornering techniques, correct use of the clutch, gears and acceleration. This was followed by a module on the skidpan, with participants being tested on vehicle control and their ability to pull off the collision avoidance techniques they had been taught by instructors McCleery and Marius van Vuuren. Some of the manoeuvres carried out included recovering from a loss of control in an understeer or oversteer situation, braking and emergency lane change with and without the Anti-lock Braking System (ABS).

“I have never experienced a car that can handle as well as the OPC, it surprised me. The redesign is amazing and I cannot put words to the experience, especially getting to experience the OPC at a track like Gerotek,” said winnner Oosthuizen.

The skidpan was followed by the high-speed oval, which seemed to be the most eventful of the day’s activities. Participants were required to drive the 206kW Astra OPC at high speed around the oval track.

“Opel is a very dynamic brand that has created some of the most memorable hot hatches we’ve ever had in South Africa. I am quite happy to see that our fans are also very talented drivers and that we now have twenty very good drivers who are out there acting as ambassadors of the brand,” said Cradock.

The final activity required the participants to drive around cones on the straight track, where they were tested on their steering techniques.

The final winner and first-place position was chosen based on the fastest lap time on both the dynamics race and through the cones on the straight track (with the least cones hit as well as the driver’s ability to demonstrate good vehicle control through the obstacles).

“There were many talented drivers here today, but I felt Jacques Oosthuizen stood out because he has a very smooth and controlled driving technique,” said instructor Van Vuuren.

“It’s the first competition I have ever won and it will be mine and my wife’s first trip overseas. It’s amazing to know a company is willing to go to this length to reward a fan,” said Oosthuizen

The five-night trip to Germany includes a tour of the Opel plant in Rüsselsheim, a tour of the Opel museum in Rüsselsheim, an OPC track day at the Opel Proving Grounds in Dudenhofen, and a drive on the German Autobahn according to a planned route. An Opel vehicle will be provided for their stay in Germany.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
21 July 2013 by Guest

Four dead, 10 hurt in Cradock crash

Trading Forex Triple Your Salary by Trading Forex Click here to Book Accommodation in Cradock, Graaf Reinett, Hofmeyer or surrounds. Article source: http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/eastern-cape/four-dead-10-hurt-in-cradock-crash-1.1549956

Trading Forex

Triple Your Salary by Trading Forex

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
19 July 2013 by Guest

Opel Fan Wins Trip to German Autobahn

Mr Jacques Oosthuizen, a Johannesburg based Opel fan has won the ultimate prize in Opel’s ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ game, a racing competition held over a period of three months on the Opel Facebook Page. Oosthuizen and a friend will visit the home of Opel and experience a drive on the German Autobahn, one of the …

Mr Jacques Oosthuizen, a Johannesburg based Opel fan has won the ultimate prize in Opel’s ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ game, a racing competition held over a period of three months on the Opel Facebook Page. Oosthuizen and a friend will visit the home of Opel and experience a drive on the German Autobahn, one of the only roads in the world with no specific speed limit.

Opel

The ‘Wir Leben Autobahn’ competition opened up with 3704 Opel fans racing for a top leaderboard spot in the virtual Opel Astra OPC game on Opel’s Facebook Page. The top twenty fastest competitors in the game made it through to the final round which was held at the Gerotek vehicle test facility in Pretoria on Saturday 13 July. All the participants were given first-hand experience of the Opel Astra OPC’s dynamic handling, power and agility as they faced the final, and real world, test of their driving ability.

“We had an early start at Gerotek on Saturday morning but I was pleased to see twenty very passionate Opel fans arrive with smiles on their faces. The atmosphere was cheerful with a few nervous participants who couldn’t contain their excitement at getting the opportunity to drive the Astra OPC,” said Opel Advertising Analyst, Mokete Seakamela.

The day was packed with activities where the participants were first welcomed by Opel Brand Manager at GM South Africa, Christopher Cradock, who gave them an overview of the Opel brand. They were then taken through a presentation of theory about driving awareness, basic road skills and mechanical knowledge of the OPC by the Opel Academy instructor Grant McCleery.

The first challenge of the day was on the dynamic handling track where participants were tested on cornering techniques, correct use of the clutch, gears and acceleration. This was followed by a module on the skidpan, with participants being tested on vehicle control and their ability to pull-off the collision avoidance techniques they had been taught by instructors McCleery and Marius van Vuuren. Some of the manoeuvres carried out included recovering from a loss of control in an under steer or over steer situation, braking and emergency lane change with and without applying the Anti-lock Braking System (ABS).

“I have never experienced a car that can handle as well as the OPC, it surprised me. The redesign is amazing and I cannot put words to the experience, especially getting to experience the OPC at a track like Gerotek,” said Oosthuizen, winner of the Wir Leben Autobahn competition.

The skidpan was followed by the high speed oval which seemed to be the most eventful of the day’s activities. Participants were required to drive the 206 kW Astra OPC at high speed around the oval track. “Opel is a very dynamic brand that has created some of the most memorable hot hatches we’ve ever had in South Africa. I am quite happy to see that our fans are also very talented drivers and that  we now have twenty very good drivers who are out there acting as ambassadors of the brand;” said Cradock.

The final activity required the participants to drive through cones on the straight track where they were tested on their steering techniques and ability to drive through the cones.

The final winner and first place position was chosen based on the fastest lap time on both the dynamics race and through the cones on the straight track with the least cones hit as well as the driver’s ability to demonstrate good vehicle control through the obstacles.

“There were many talented drivers here today, but I felt Jacques Oosthuizen stood out because he has a very smooth and controlled driving technique,” said instructor van Vuuren.

“It’s the first competition I have ever won and it will be mine and my wife’s first trip overseas. It’s amazing to know a company is willing to go to this length to reward a fan,” said Oosthuizen

The 5 night prize to Germany includes a plant tour of the Opel plant in Rüsselsheim, where the Opel Insignia and the Astra 5-door models are manufactured, a tour of the Opel museum in Rüsselsheim, an OPC track day at the Opel Proving Grounds in Dudenhofen, a drive on the German Autobahn according to a planned route and an Opel motor vehicle will be provided for their stay in Germany.

Share and Enjoy

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
15 July 2013 by Guest

Kry Rapport op

2013-06-15 23:11 Sam Nzima se beroemde foto by die Hector Pieterson-gedenkteken in Soweto. Foto’s   ·   Lesersfoto’s   ·   Nuus in Foto’s Stuur vir ons jou foto’s  Â·  Stuur vir ons jou foto’s Marthinus Beukes Hector Pieterson leef voort in ’n foto en in beelde, maar ook in die Afrikaanse digkuns kla hy …

2013-06-15 23:11

Sam Nzima se beroemde foto by die Hector Pieterson-gedenkteken in Soweto.

Foto’s   ·   Lesersfoto’s   ·   Nuus in Foto’s
Stuur vir ons jou foto’s  Â·  Stuur vir ons jou foto’s

Marthinus Beukes

Hector Pieterson leef voort in ’n foto en in beelde, maar ook in die Afrikaanse digkuns kla hy steeds ons kollektiewe gewete aan, sê Marthinus Beukes.

Sam Nzima se foto van Mbuyisa Makhubu wat ’n gewonde Hector Pieterson (toe 13 jaar oud) in sy arms dra, met sy huilende suster, Antoinette, langs hom, het deur die jare baie sterk emosie ontlok.

Pieterson, wat vanjaar 50 jaar oud sou wees, is vir ewig die jong seun in Makhubu se arms. In die gedig “ikoon�, in sy debuutbundel, die ysterkoei moet sweet, verwoord Breyten Breytenbach ’n soortgelyke “bewaring� as ’n wyse van ikonisering. Hier word die “dood� van die gekruisigde Jesus (en die ikoon Marilyn Monroe) as’t ware uitgestel:

dieper agter donker lae van velgeworde olie

plat gesmeer teen ’n houtpaneel

gloei ’n ingelegde wêreld

bewaar in sy bloed soos perskes in hul stroop

en omdat alle volbringing gesuspendeer is

is die aksie puur en rou afgeskil…

dieper agter vir ewig net buite bereik (soos marilyn monroe)

Op byna soortgelyke wyse word Pieterson se dood “gesuspendeer�; in die arms van herinnering bly hy “ewig� jonk. Nzima se foto – en die Pieterson-beeld deur Kobus Hattingh en Jacob Maponyane in die Maponya-winkelsentrum in Soweto – keer inderdaad dat die gebeure van 16 Junie 1976 verweer.

Maar ook in die Afrikaanse digkuns leef Pieterson voort in onder meer gedigte deur Breytenbach, Susan Smith en Louis Esterhuizen. En ook die treffende lied van Amanda Strydom “Hector P�.

Die komplekse gebeure wat tot die atmosfeer van Junie 1976 bygedra het, het een figuur tot ikoon uitgehef: Pieterson. Ironies beteken Hector in Grieks “holding fast� – sy slap liggaam is dus ’n oorgawe aan die dood, maar ook ’n suspendering van sy dúúr in die Suid-Afrikaanse struggle-geskiedenis.

Ook Makhubu is gemerk in hierdie konstruksie van verskrikking. Sy uitgestrekte arms om Pieterson is ’n durende ritueel van menslike deernis. Makhubu, wie se Nguni-naam (Mbuyisa) “terugkerende� of “hersteller� beteken, is sentraal in Pieterson se “ikoonwording�.

Sy handeling eggo iets van Elisabeth Eybers se gedig Pietà waarin sy só oor Jesus se gebroke liggaam op Maria se skoot skryf: “Hy is weer waar hy hoort…â€? en “só sal sy hom ’n leeftyd lank behouâ€?.

In Tom Gouws se gedig hector-pietà word Pieterson dan ook as piëta-figuur vergestalt; ’n gedig, wat soos die ander kunswerke om die gebeure van 16 Junie 1976 probeer om te herstel, te laat voortduur, as’t ware terug te bring:

uit die marmerkolom van my spoegwit taal

probeer ek verleë vir die seun ’n beeld boetseer

willoos hang die hande wat die koeëls wou keer

die knie ongedwonge geknak so sag so onbrutaal

gewillig die lyf tot fetus getroos deur kartetsmetaal

in die lokasie van die omsingelde hart het vrees ingeskeur

daar draal blanko verse op die tong se dooimansdeur

hector se hortende asemhaal is die taal se noodsinjaal

hoe beitel ek ’n beeld se voeë skoon met stylfiguur

hoe worstel ek die oortollige vuilwit geweterots wég

hoe monumentaal is ’n kind met bloed en versfraktuur

die dood weet alle seuns word uithuisig op die duur

elk verrinneweerde gedig is kollektiewe pyn se patentreg

skierlik staan ’n volk totaal ter fusilade in saluutvuur

Op 13 Junie 1976 trek die jeug saam in die einste ruimte in Orlando-Oos waar oudpres. Nelson Mandela, opper-ikoon, as jongeling boks geoefen het om hul verset te verwoord teen onder meer Afrikaans as onderrigmedium. Dié klagskrif sou aan regeringslui oorhandig word. “To hell with Afrikaans� – spoegkreet van die meerderheid inwoners van dié land het ook op plakkate die weerstandskrif geword wat op 16 Junie 1976 die grenslyne tussen mense pynlik verskuif het.

Gouws se gedig, waarin die gewete van verskeie stemme van Afrikaanse digters (soos Eybers, N.P. Van Wyk Louw, Ernst van Heerden, D.J. Opperman en Ingrid Jonker) saampraat in “kollektiewe pyn�, verwoord die dra-las van ’n taal om nie net te onthou nie, maar ook om te rekonstrueer, herinner, versoen, uit te reik, terwyl sy sélf in die beskuldigdebank staan.

Pieterson is inderdaad Afrikaans se noodsinjaal, durend vasgevang in foto, beeld en gedig, veral ook in die kollektiewe geheue van ’n volk wat steeds teen “’n vuilwit gewete� stry.

Beukes is ’n literator en navorsingsgenoot aan die Noordwes-Universiteit se Mafikeng-kampus.

* Die McGregor-gedigtefees vind plaas van 21 tot 23 Junie met ’n vol program en sommer ’n land vol woord- en musiekkunstenaars. Vir meer inligting, besprekings en verblyf gaan na www.temenos.org.za of www.tourismmcgregor.co.za of skakel 023 625 1871 of 023 625 1954.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
7 July 2013 by Guest

Karoo coup

INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPERS Some of the Tuishuise at dawn. Picture Myrtle Ryan Related Stories Pictures: Karoo coup        Freezing history at Die Tuishuise Discover Africa’s Great Karoo A taste of Karoo kitchens East London – In the early morning light of spring, the row of Tuishuise in Cradock are particularly evocative. One of these is named …

INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPERS

Some of the Tuishuise at dawn. Picture Myrtle Ryan

Related Stories

  • Pictures: Karoo coup       
  • Freezing history at Die Tuishuise
  • Discover Africa’s Great Karoo
  • A taste of Karoo kitchens

East London – In the early morning light of spring, the row of Tuishuise in Cradock are particularly evocative. One of these is named after famed writer Etienne van Heerden.

This was the cottage in which I stayed for a couple of days, soaking up the atmosphere, enjoying the blossoms on the pear tree outside the house. It does not get more peaceful than this.

Come the Schreiner: Karoo Writers Festival, though, and the town positively fizzes. From far and wide, lovers of literature descend on the town. The fourth such festival takes place this year between August 9-11.

Brian Wilmot, organising committee member and curator of the Olive Schreiner Museum in the town, said the festival promises a mix of surprises, excursions, new voices and encounters with great writers.

There will be a chance to socialise with the likes of Etienne van Heerden, Margie Orford and Rachel Holmes during talks, readings, leisurely meals and fireside chats.

Van Heerden was born on the farm Doornbosch, near Cradock.

The fine Dutch Reformed Church. Picture Myrtle Ryan

INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPERS

In Love’s Place, the English translation of his In Stede van die Liefde, will be launched during the festival.

Orford will have a fifth “Dr Clare Hart” thriller out around the time as the festival. Her courageous heroine is an investigative journalist-turned-profiler ready to face any challenge, but also enjoys escaping to places such as the Karoo.

According to Lisa Antrobus-Ker, manager of The Tuishuise, Holmes helped run the London Book Fair for four years and spent time in Cradock researching Schreiner for a book on Eleanor Marx (daughter of the famous Karl).

Lisa, who is also involved in the tourism industry for the area, clearly loves her town and bubbles with enthusiasm when she chats about the festival.

“Rachel Holmes will talk on the relationship between Olive and Eleanor – two powerful educated women; both highly literate, both radical reformers,” she said.

Holmes’s previous books include biographies of Saartjie Baartman (“the Hottentot Venus”) and Dr James Barry, a brilliant 19th century army doctor, whose gender identity caused a great deal of speculation.

Barbara Mutch’s Cradock family saga, The Housemaid’s Daughter, published in the UK last year, has become a runaway international success. Her talk will be followed by a walking tour which includes several of the places mentioned in the book; and will end in the Dutch Reformed Church where Dominee Attie van Wyk will play the Chopin prelude.

Prof Paul Walters, who has helped generations of Rhodes English students find their literary voice, and who chairs the organising committee, will referee an open microphone session, in which each participant gets three minutes to read or recite his or her own work.

Published writers such as Clinton V du Plessis (poetry), Ezelle Marais (cookery), Harry Owen (poetry), Sigi Howes, Jonathan Deal, Doreen Atkinson and the Dutch poet Alfred Schaffer will be present.

Writers of tomorrow will also be given an opportunity. Lisa said Cradock high school pupils have spent the past few months preparing for the multi-media youth programme, co-ordinated by Upstart and the National English Literary Museum.

Excursions during the festival include a trip to Olive Schreiner’s grave; walks around Cradock’s numerous literary landmarks, and an expedition to the Mountain Zebra Park.

For more information about the festival, special package rates, go to Facebook Schreiner Karoo Writers Festival or e-mail slisa@tuishuise.co.za – Sunday Tribune

Get our new, free Travel newsletter – subscribe here…

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
5 July 2013 by Guest

Mandela: Inspiration for an Era of Activism

It was a reminder, too, that the battle to end white rule was fought on many levels, ranging from the activism of anti-apartheid exiles here in London to a brutal shadow war in South Africa itself that offered no quarter to those seeking a new order. The events of June 27, 1985, offered a particular …

It was a reminder, too, that the battle to end white rule was fought on many levels, ranging from the activism of anti-apartheid exiles here in London to a brutal shadow war in South Africa itself that offered no quarter to those seeking a new order.

The events of June 27, 1985, offered a particular insight.

On that date, a hit team of secret police officers — white and black — murdered four anti-apartheid activists from Cradock, a pinprick settlement in the remote hinterland of the Eastern Cape, ambushing their car late at night before bludgeoning, shooting, stabbing and burning them to death.

In the shorthand of martyrdom, they became known as the Cradock Four, emblems of a time when the white authorities sought to dismantle such clusters of resistance through a tactic they euphemistically called “permanent removal” from society.

But the killing of Matthew Goniwe, a prominent community leader and headmaster, and Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto and Sicelo Mhlauli had its own resonance.

On the same day their funerals drew a staggering 35,000 mourners and activists to the dusty soccer stadium and graveyard in Cradock — marching under emblems from the red flag of the outlawed South African Communist Party to the crosses of Christian churches — the government of P.W. Botha declared the first of two states of emergency.

By resorting to such powers, Mr. Botha undermined his own legitimacy in the face of a broadening revolt that forced the authorities to negotiate with their most bitter adversaries. As Mr. Mandela himself remarked when he visited the graves of the Cradock Four a decade later, their deaths “marked a turning point in the history of our struggle. No longer could the regime govern in the old way. They were the true heroes of the struggle.”

Once Mr. Mandela was released in 1990, of course, his moral stature and generosity toward his erstwhile captors inspired the spirit of reconciliation that wove a common mantle for majority and minority in the much-vaunted Rainbow Nation.

“A century from now historians will still write about Mandela’s spectacular role in bringing freedom, stability and democracy to South Africa,” the columnist Max du Preez wrote this week in the Durban newspaper The Mercury. “They will still remind their students that he became an international icon as a man of great integrity with an enormous capacity to forgive, to heal and to bridge seemingly impossible divides.”

During his incarceration, though, it fell to others, like Mr. Goniwe and his comrades, to bear aloft the twin torches of confrontation and resistance, feting their distant leaders in prison or in exile, and chanting the slogans and anthems that evoked such figures as Mr. Mandela and Oliver Tambo, then the exiled head of the A.N.C.

In the current orthodoxy, said Dennis Goldberg, a white anti-apartheid activist who stood trial alongside Mr. Mandela in 1963, there is a view that Mr. Mandela “brought us freedom with his own bare hands, like a savior, a messiah. But that is just wrong. His greatness is his ability to mobilize the people of South Africa for freedom.”

The recasting of South Africa’s legend has repercussions to this day.

When the exiled leadership of the A.N.C. returned home after Mr. Mandela’s release, many of the figures who had fought the township battles in its name in the long years of its banishment were relegated to secondary roles, or to oblivion, their contributions barely acknowledged.

Even now, in the figure of President Jacob Zuma, South Africa’s political elite is drawn largely from the exiles who fought from bases in southern Africa’s “frontline” states both to maintain a low-key insurgency and to pursue an international diplomatic effort to challenge the white authorities.

But figures like Mr. Goniwe paid a high price for their commitment inside the country to resistance that blurred the lines between civic defiance and support for the violent armed struggle once advocated by Mr. Mandela — even as the white authorities considered responses that ranged from the co-option of their foes, to surveillance and control, to brutal repression.

As I wrote in a valedictory article after my expulsion by the white authorities from South Africa in early 1987, some 2,300 protesters died and 22,000 were detained without trial in the mid-1980s in the township conflicts that set the stage for Mr. Mandela’s release.

The battle went far beyond legality. When the state of emergency was declared at midnight on July 20, 1985, it sought to spread a judicial veneer over the authorities’ actions, offering indemnity to police officers for their actions in quelling unrest. But its broader impact was the reverse: In the perception of outsiders in London, Washington and elsewhere, white-ruled South Africa slipped further into international pariahhood. The overseas campaigns for disinvestment and sanctions gathered pace. Apartheid imploded.

Yet the fruits fell finally to those like Mr. Zuma, a former A.N.C. intelligence chief operating from exile in countries including Mozambique and Zambia.

And, in the more than two decades since Mr. Mandela’s release, the promise of the struggle has given way inexorably to the spread of corruption and a thinly veiled lurch toward autocracy.

Some critics even detect a broader campaign by the A.N.C. to lay exclusive claim to the defeat of apartheid. “Everyone but Mandela and the African National Congress has been airbrushed out of history,” the author Martin Plaut said. “As the old saying goes, to the victor, the spoils.”

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
29 June 2013 by Guest

Body Language Give sokkie a lekker whirl

I remember the night I, an American, fell in love with sokkie. It was at a matric dance at Hoër Landbouskool Marlow in Cradock, one of South Africa’s remaining live-in all-male agricultural secondary schools.  I had come to write about what it was like to go to school at a place that was still so …

I remember the night I, an American, fell in love with sokkie. It was at a matric dance at Hoër Landbouskool Marlow in Cradock, one of South Africa’s remaining live-in all-male agricultural secondary schools. 

I had come to write about what it was like to go to school at a place that was still so unabashedly Afrikaans.
I was struck by how boyish the experience was: the residents haze their newbies, pull pranks and compete against each other in a series of contests. Each residence even has its own “cave”, an outdoor version of the couch-pillow fort, which they spend countless hours decorating.

I had the impression the Marlow culture was sweet but immature – until night fell and everybody gathered for a sokkie in a main hall. Suddenly, as the treffers began to belt from the sound system, the Marlow boys turned into men. 

I stared with awe as boys I had seen hours earlier crawling about their “caves” stood tall and gracefully led the local Cradock girls in this intricate, adult partner dance. My astonishment increased as several boys asked me for a dance. They knew I was older, a professional – and yet they approached me with such a cool confidence, as if we were equals.

Such a scene could never have happened where I went to high school in the United States. School dances were grim balls that unmasked the façades of maturity we strove to create during the day in our classes. The music was always hip-hop, and none of us teenagers had the confidence in our bodies to do much more than twitch robotically, unable to cope with the music’s insistent sexuality. 

The boys in particular suffered. My friend Peter dealt with the trauma by standing utterly still and jerking his hands in thumbs-up signs to the beat: at least that way he looked like he had rhythm.

Sokkie is something of a curiosity for non-Afrikaners. A Sunday Times journalist who visited a sokkie joint in Bloemfontein found “a sense of immediate abnormality. People are standing around drinking dark cocktails from pickle jars. On the dance floor, youngsters dressed in trendy jeans and miniskirts are kicking it with the older crowd in flowery blouses and denim shorts.”

Since that night at Marlow, though, I have come to love sokkie. I seek it out. For me, sokkie has an elegance and focus on partnership not found anywhere except in niche hobbyists’ dances such as the tango. I also love what it does to the men who dance it. 

In my American culture, men, even well into their adulthood, are far less willing to get on to the dance floor than women. I think they are less readily attuned to the constant creativity that hip-hop-based free dance requires. Sokkie provides a ready-made format almost any man can master. Even the roughest, poorest man can be a leader on the sokkie dance floor. A dance like this gives men a way to express power, confidence and grace in an era when so many of the ways that men traditionally express power are coming into question.

I wonder: will sokkie die in the great global cultural convergence? And how soon?

I saw an image of its death at a sokkie I once attended in Paternoster. The crowd was a mix of old boers, rough oil-rig workers and young, classy emigrants – a vision of the West Coast’s future. 

The first hour of the dance was a tide of romantic treffers: Speeltjie and Kaptein. The dance floor filled and everybody looked so comfortable. The oil-rig workers danced a showy, bouncy sokkie with giggling girls. The older couples clasped each other closer. One young, elegantly coiffed man in a purple shirt swivelled so smoothly around the floor with his taller partner that their dancing almost looked like ballet.

Then came the witching hour. The DJ switched to Beyoncé. It was like the electricity had gone out on the dance floor. Everybody ground to a halt. The younger people gamely tried to dance to the new music. But they looked as awkward as we American high-schoolers had at our dances, their feet bolted to the floor, their shoulders jiggling awkwardly. I focused on the graceful dancer in the purple shirt. His transformation was total. Like my friend Peter, he was coping by freezing stiff as a tree and making spiritless thumbs-up gestures to the beat. Soon, he just left the stage.

And yet nobody complained. Nobody asked the DJ to put the treffers back on. 

It was as if everybody was resigned to the fact that this was the way of the evening, and indeed the way of time: the old and local gives way to the new and global. 

And we walk off our stages without considering our loss.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
29 June 2013 by Guest

100 years after SA’s 1913 Land Act

Richard Pithouse IN 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure …

Richard Pithouse
IN 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure of common lands for private profit to

insist that “the Earth becomes a Common Treasury again”. It was quickly and violently crushed.

The pamphlet that Winstanley published three years after the occupation of St. George’s Hill argued that land should not be bought and sold and that, when it was, “some shall enjoy great possessions, and others who have done as much or more to purchase freedom shall have none at all, and be made slaves to their brethren”.

But as English colonialism, frequently driven by actual rather than metaphorical enslavement, gathered momentum from the seventeenth century onwards, people around the world who sought to hold on to their land and autonomy in defiance of an advancing storm were presented as monstrous — a many headed hydra that needed to be destroyed so that land and labour could be exploited.

Liberal philosophy presented this violent assault on the commons — which ranged from Ireland, to India, Africa, the Caribbean and the Americas, in terms of enlightenment and progress. From the underside it was often experienced as catastrophe borne on the terror of burning and killing.

This history is our history. But of course here it has been and remains profoundly inflected by race. Today people flying in to Port Elizabeth to travel on to the National Arts Festival in Grahamstown will pass one luxury game farm after another. Grahamstown still carries the name of John Graham, the British soldier who drove the Xhosa people off this land, the Zuurveld, between 1811 and 1812 by burning their homes, destroying their crops and killing any man that resisted.

John Cradock, the governor of the Cape Colony, had given Graham his orders. Cradock knew what he was doing. He had crushed anti-colonial rebellions in Ireland and India before being posted to Cape Town. In 1812 he could report to the British cabinet that the inhabitants of the Zuurveld had been forced across the Fish River with ‘a proper degree of terror’. A hundred years later Jan Smuts, speaking at the celebrations held to celebrate the centenary of the founding of Grahamstown, declared, “South Africa was a home for a great white race.”

On the 19th of June the following year the Natives Land Act came into force. In the famous opening lines of his Native Life in South Africa, Sol Plaatje wrote, “Awakening on Friday morning, June 20, 1913, the South African Native found himself, not actually a slave, but a pariah in the land of his birth”. It was the colonial wars of the previous century that had left Africans with only 7% of the land in the new Union of South Africa.

But the Land Act entrenched this dispossession by preventing Africans from buying or renting land from whites, outlawing share-cropping and opening the way to the establishment of ‘reserves’, later known as Bantustans. It became a legal cornerstone of the segregationist project.

The ANC, founded the year before the Land Act was passed, was committed to the restoration of land to Africans. But it was the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICWU), founded on the docks in Cape Town in 1919, that became a mass movement of rural people. It claimed more than a hundred thousand members by 1927. But like all movements that rise on a tide of millennial fervour, it didn’t take care of the details of organisation very well, or work out a viable strategy for achieving its goals, and its hopes were dashed on the unforgiving shores of South African reality.

There have been many rural struggles since then, perhaps most famously the Mpondo Revolt that began in 1960. But there has never been a rural movement, or sustained rural struggles, in the same way that there has been a trade union movement since the 1970s or on-going urban struggles since the 1980s.

When the transition from apartheid happened, organised workers won significant gains from the new order in terms of their relationship to both the party and the state as a result of their impressive organisation.

And when the ANC sought to return the state to an exclusionary and repressive mode of urban control rooted in the use of violence it confronted significant popular challenges that have blunted some of its more extreme excesses.

But the ruling party has not confronted the same challenges in response to its embrace of a capital driven conception of rural development, an ineffective and market led response to the deracialistion of land ownership and an attempt to firm up the power of traditional authority in a manner that reinscribes the former Bantustans as a separate sphere of society in which there is a lesser form of citizenship.

Seetsele Modiri Molema, Plaatje’s first biographer, recalled the “silence of death” that fell over a meeting of African leaders held in Kimberley in 1914 when Plaatje, his voice trembling, explained that the Land Act would impoverish Africans and drive once prosperous people into wage labour. A hundred years later, social death or the idea of a spectral presence are not infrequently mobilised as metaphors to characterise the quality of life in the former Bantustans.

This is not a matter of ‘delivery’ or ‘transformation’ taking longer than expected. As Aninka Claassens has argued, the ANC’s commitment to sustain a separate legal and political regime in the former Bantustans is actively “entrenching the Land Act’s legacy of dispossession and unequal citizenship”.

The ANC likes to suggest that the limits of its record in the countryside are rooted in the constraints imposed by the property clause in the Constitution.
This manoeuvre enables it to simultaneously disavow responsibility for its own political choices, which have, in practice, been systemically in support of rural elites, black and white, and to mobilise support for the authoritarian agenda that has developed under Zuma. But the fact is that while the property clause does provide some limits to state action they are far from absolute. It does not, for instance, prevent expropriation.

Some of the sloganeering around the land question signifies little beyond the performance of its own sound and fury.
But although there are genuinely complicated questions to be addressed in a country where arable land is in short supply, and in a world where agriculture is being rapidly corporatized, it is also true that overly technical and statist approaches to the land question miss an essential point which is that real change, in the countryside as anywhere else, is fundamentally a question of political will.

Political will is usually a consequence of political pressure and political pressure in the interests of subordinated groups usually requires some form of effective organisation or disruption on the part of those groups. Until this is achieved it is difficult to imagine that the crushing weight of history will be lifted from our countryside.

The writer teaches politics at Rhodes University.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
27 June 2013 by Guest

South Africa’s leading independent drinks commentator…

SA stars in the July edition of Wine Spectator – incredibly, the first ever cover story on SA and its wines – but unfortunately there seems to be a shortage of fact checkers and sub-editors in New York and the lead article by lead taster James Molesworth contains some schoolboy howlers you’d not expect from …

SA stars in the July edition of Wine Spectator – incredibly, the first ever cover story on SA and its wines – but unfortunately there seems to be a shortage of fact checkers and sub-editors in New York and the lead article by lead taster James Molesworth contains some schoolboy howlers you’d not expect from Marvin Shanken’s well-lubricated machine. James notes that Stellenbosch has taken over from Franschhoek as “culinary capital of the Winelands” and comments “the cuisine draws from local ingredients – meats such as Springbok or Namibian beef as well as seafood such as crayfish and kingfish” (below).

kf

Does James realize that Namibia is pretty far from Nietvoorbij or that kingfish is more illegal than marijuana in SA? So I wonder what James was smoking when he wrote the story. The SA Sustainable Seafood Initiative reports “there are 54 species of kingfish known in South African waters, many are important game and trophy fish. Spawning of most species does not occur in South Africa but off tropical East Africa. All kingish species are Red-listed no-sale species, this means that it is illegal to sell or buy these species anywhere in South Africa” including Stellenbosch.

Does Marvin read this stuff? Does it matter and are the tasting notes so cavalierly written? Let’s hope not but rather hope the hordes of American tourists destined for Stellenbosch on the strength of this story will enjoy organic grass-fed beef from Spier – or better yet Karoo lamb – and kingklip, which is back on the SASSI green list.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
27 June 2013 by Guest

South Africa’s leading independent drinks commentator…

SA stars in the July edition of Wine Spectator – incredibly, the first ever cover story on SA and its wines – but unfortunately there seems to be a shortage of fact checkers and sub-editors in New York and the lead article by lead taster James Molesworth contains some schoolboy howlers you’d not expect from …

SA stars in the July edition of Wine Spectator – incredibly, the first ever cover story on SA and its wines – but unfortunately there seems to be a shortage of fact checkers and sub-editors in New York and the lead article by lead taster James Molesworth contains some schoolboy howlers you’d not expect from Marvin Shanken’s well-lubricated machine. James notes that Stellenbosch has taken over from Franschhoek as “culinary capital of the Winelands” and comments “the cuisine draws from local ingredients – meats such as Springbok or Namibian beef as well as seafood such as crayfish and kingfish” (below).

kf

Does James realize that Namibia is pretty far from Nietvoorbij or that kingfish is more illegal than marijuana in SA? So I wonder what James was smoking when he wrote the story. The SA Sustainable Seafood Initiative reports “there are 54 species of kingfish known in South African waters, many are important game and trophy fish. Spawning of most species does not occur in South Africa but off tropical East Africa. All kingish species are Red-listed no-sale species, this means that it is illegal to sell or buy these species anywhere in South Africa” including Stellenbosch.

Does Marvin read this stuff? Does it matter and are the tasting notes so cavalierly written? Let’s hope not but rather hope the hordes of American tourists destined for Stellenbosch on the strength of this story will enjoy organic grass-fed beef from Spier – or better yet Karoo lamb – and kingklip, which is back on the SASSI green list.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
24 June 2013 by Guest

South Africa: A Hundred Years After the 1913 Land Act

In 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure of common …

In 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure of common lands for private profit to insist that “the Earth becomes a Common Treasury again”. It was quickly and violently crushed.

The pamphlet that Winstanley published three years after the occupation of St. George’s Hill argued that land should not be bought and sold and that, when it was, “some shall enjoy great possessions, and others who have done as much or more for to purchase freedom shall have none at all, and be made slaves to their brethren”.

But as English colonialism frequently driven by actual rather than metaphorical enslavement gathered momentum from the seventeenth century onwards, people around the world who sought to hold on to their land and autonomy in defiance of an advancing storm were presented as monstrous – a many headed hydra that needed to be destroyed so that land and labour could be exploited.

Liberal philosophy presented this violent assault on the commons – which ranged from Ireland, to India, Africa, the Caribbean and the Americas, in terms of enlightenment and progress. But from the underside it was often experienced as catastrophe borne on the terror of burning and killing.

This history is our history. But of course here it has been and remains profoundly inflected by race. Today people flying in to Port Elizabeth to travel on to the National Arts Festival in Grahamstown will pass one luxury game farm after another. Grahamstown still carries the name of John Graham, the British soldier who drove the Xhosa people off this land, the Zuurveld, between 1811 and 1812 by burning their homes, destroying their crops and killing any man that resisted.

John Cradock, the governor of the Cape Colony, had given Graham his orders. Cradock knew what he was doing. He had crushed anti-colonial rebellions in Ireland and India before being posted to Cape Town. In 1812 he could report to the British cabinet that the inhabitants of the Zuurveld had been forced across the Fish River with ‘a proper degree of terror’. A hundred years later Jan Smuts, speaking at the celebrations held to celebrate the centenary of the founding of Grahamstown, declared, “South Africa was a home for a great white race.”

On the 19th of June the following year the Natives Land Act came into force. In the famous opening lines of his Native Life in South Africa, Sol Plaatje wrote, “Awakening on Friday morning, June 20, 1913, the South African Native found himself, not actually a slave, but a pariah in the land of his birth”. It was the colonial wars of the previous century that had left Africans with only 7% of the land in the new Union of South Africa. But the Land Act entrenched this dispossession by preventing Africans from buying or renting land from whites, outlawing share-cropping and opening the way to the establishment of ‘reserves’, later known as Bantustans. It became a legal cornerstone of the segregationist project.

The ANC, founded the year before the Land Act was passed, was committed to the restoration of land to Africans. But it was the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU), founded on the docks in Cape Town in 1919 that became a mass movement of rural people. It claimed more than a hundred thousand members by 1927. But like all movements that rise on a tide of millennial fervour it didn’t take care of the details of organisation very well, or work out a viable strategy for achieving its goals, and its hopes were dashed on the unforgiving shores of South African reality.

There have been many rural struggles since then, perhaps most famously the Mpondo Revolt that began in 1960. But there has never been a rural movement, or sustained rural struggles, in the same way that there has been a trade union movement since the 1970s or on-going urban struggles since the 1980s.

When the transition from apartheid happened organised workers won significant gains from the new order in terms of their relationship to both the party and the state as a result of their impressive organisation. And when the ANC sought to return the state to an exclusionary and repressive mode of urban control rooted in the use of violence it confronted significant popular challenges that have blunted some of its more extreme excesses. But the ruling party has not confronted the same challenges in response to its embrace of a capital driven conception of rural development, an ineffective and market led response to the deracialistion of land ownership and an attempt to firm up the power of traditional authority in a manner that reinscribes the former Bantustans as a separate sphere of society in which there is a lesser form of citizenship.

Seetsele Modiri Molema, Plaatje’s first biographer, recalled the “silence of death” that fell over a meeting of African leaders held in Kimberley in 1914 when Plaatje, his voice trembling, explained that the Land Act would impoverish Africans and drive once prosperous people into wage labour. A hundred years later, social death or the idea of a spectral presence are not infrequently mobilised as metaphors to characterise the quality of life in the former Bantustans. This is not a matter of ‘delivery’ or ‘transformation’ taking longer than expected. As Anika Classenens has argued the ANC’s commitment to sustain a separate legal and political regime in the former Bantustans is actively “entrenching the Land Act’s legacy of dispossession and unequal citizenship”.

The ANC likes to suggest that the limits of its record in the countryside are rooted in the constraints imposed by the property clause in the Constitution. This manoeuvre enables it to simultaneously disavow responsibility for its own political choices, which have, in practice, been systemically in support of rural elites, black and white, and to mobilise support for the authoritarian agenda that has developed under Zuma. But the fact is that while the property clause does provide some limits to state action they are far from absolute. It does not, for instance, prevent expropriation.

Some of the sloganeering around the land question signifies little beyond the performance of its own sound and fury. But although there are genuinely complicated questions to be addressed in a country where arable land is in short supply, and in a world where agriculture is being rapidly corporatized, it is also true that overly technical and statist approaches to the land question miss an essential point which is that real change, in the countryside as anywhere else, is fundamentally a question of political will. Political will is usually a consequence of political pressure and political pressure in the interests of subordinated groups usually requires some form of effective organisation or disruption on the part of those groups. Until this is achieved it is difficult to imagine that the crushing weight of history will be lifted from our countryside.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
20 June 2013 by Guest

Wife watches farmer, 80, bleed to death

2013-06-19 09:10 (File) (Shutterstock) Multimedia   ·   User Galleries   ·   News in Pictures Send us your pictures  Â·  Send us your stories Port Elizabeth – An Eastern Cape woman has told how she watched her elderly husband bleed to death after an attack by armed men on their farm. “The wounds bled …

2013-06-19 09:10

(File)

(File) (Shutterstock)

Multimedia   ·   User Galleries   ·   News in Pictures
Send us your pictures  Â·  Send us your stories

Port Elizabeth – An Eastern Cape woman has told how she watched her elderly husband bleed to death after an attack by armed men on their farm.

“The wounds bled terribly and I was helplessly watching as they hit my poor husband with a kierie, kicking him and stabbing him,â€? Coleen Traut, 48,  told Volksblad.

She tried to take a knife from one of the attackers and was stabbed in both hands.

She said she then realised her husband would not survive the attack and felt a sudden calm come over her.

Her elderly husband, Louis Traut, 80, died and she and his two daughters, Mariska, 45, and Louisa, 50, sustained stab wounds and bruising in the attack on Sunday evening.  

The men broke into the Cradock farm on Sunday evening after breaking down a back door.

The armed men wanted money and firearms and stole cellphones. They cut the phone wires before tying up the women and locking them in the house.

They fled in the family’s car.

All three women were said to be severely traumatised by the incident and have been released from hospital following treatment.

Police managed to arrest two suspects and recovered some of the stolen items as well as the car.

Ramphele is wrong – government

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
20 June 2013 by Guest

Special ‘hotel on wheels’ train planned for arts Grahamstown festival

CULTURE lovers from Gauteng and Bloemfontein will, for the first time, be able to travel by Premier Classe train to the Grahamstown National Arts Festival next week, with a special festival service that has been planned by the Passenger Rail Agency of SA (Prasa), according to the agency. The train, which has been planned as …

Picture: THINKSTOCK

CULTURE lovers from Gauteng and Bloemfontein will, for the first time, be able to travel by Premier Classe train to the Grahamstown National Arts Festival next week, with a special festival service that has been planned by the Passenger Rail Agency of SA (Prasa), according to the agency.

The train, which has been planned as part of Prasa’s broader activities to revitalise interest in long-distance train services, will leave Johannesburg next Thursday for Grahamstown and return to Johannesburg by Monday morning. It allows festival-goers to live on the train during the festival, while serving three meals a day, Prasa mainline passenger services head Lesedi Mapheto said on Wednesday. The train will be “a hotel on wheels” which is to serve guests three meals a day for the duration of the festival, as well as offer accommodation in its sleeper compartments.

A bus service will be provided from the stationary train at the Allandale station, which is a half hour’s drive from Grahamstown.

The service would transport travellers between the station and festival activities twice a day, Mr Mapheto said.

“On special-service trains, we increase the security so that the police guard the train while it is staged. T here will be at least 16 rail police and eight private security contractors for the train to ensure the safety of our passengers and their belongings,” he said.

Travellers planning to take prohibited recreational substan-ces with them are advised not to as the train sometimes stops in Bloemfontein for random security checks by the South African Police Service, which conducts searches for banned substances, he said.

Prasa is working with Standard Bank, one of the national sponsors of the festival, to ferry people to the festival, Mr Mapheto said.

The train will be able to carry up to 84 guests.

Prasa would need about 50 guests for the special train in order for it to be financially viable to offer the service.

“We should leave around 6pm and arrive at about 10am the next morning. It’s very comfortable in Premier Classe,” Mr Mapheto said. The train has a four-star service rating and will take on passengers in Johannesburg.

It will pass through Bloemfontein, and will be able to pick up extra passengers from Springfontein, Colesberg and Cradock, before terminating in Allandale.

The luxury rail journey will cost R6,000 from Park Station to Grahamstown.

“It’s the first time we are doing this, we are hopeful that people will respond to this offer.

“They will be travelling in style,” Mr Mapheto said.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
18 June 2013 by Guest

A Hundred Years After the 1913 Land Act

In 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure of common …

In 1652, the year that Jan van Riebeck first stepped on to these shores, Gerrad Winstanley, an English radical, published a pamphlet called The Law of Freedom in a Platform. Three years earlier he had led a land occupation on St. George’s Hill in Surrey. The occupation had aimed, against the growing enclosure of common lands for private profit to insist that “the Earth becomes a Common Treasury again”. It was quickly and violently crushed.

The pamphlet that Winstanley published three years after the occupation of St. George’s Hill argued that land should not be bought and sold and that, when it was, “some shall enjoy great possessions, and others who have done as much or more for to purchase freedom shall have none at all, and be made slaves to their brethren”.

But as English colonialism frequently driven by actual rather than metaphorical enslavement gathered momentum from the seventeenth century onwards, people around the world who sought to hold on to their land and autonomy in defiance of an advancing storm were presented as monstrous – a many headed hydra that needed to be destroyed so that land and labour could be exploited.

Liberal philosophy presented this violent assault on the commons – which ranged from Ireland, to India, Africa, the Caribbean and the Americas, in terms of enlightenment and progress. But from the underside it was often experienced as catastrophe borne on the terror of burning and killing.

This history is our history. But of course here it has been and remains profoundly inflected by race. Today people flying in to Port Elizabeth to travel on to the National Arts Festival in Grahamstown will pass one luxury game farm after another. Grahamstown still carries the name of John Graham, the British soldier who drove the Xhosa people off this land, the Zuurveld, between 1811 and 1812 by burning their homes, destroying their crops and killing any man that resisted.

John Cradock, the governor of the Cape Colony, had given Graham his orders. Cradock knew what he was doing. He had crushed anti-colonial rebellions in Ireland and India before being posted to Cape Town. In 1812 he could report to the British cabinet that the inhabitants of the Zuurveld had been forced across the Fish River with ‘a proper degree of terror’. A hundred years later Jan Smuts, speaking at the celebrations held to celebrate the centenary of the founding of Grahamstown, declared, “South Africa was a home for a great white race.”

On the 19th of June the following year the Natives Land Act came into force. In the famous opening lines of his Native Life in South Africa, Sol Plaatje wrote, “Awakening on Friday morning, June 20, 1913, the South African Native found himself, not actually a slave, but a pariah in the land of his birth”. It was the colonial wars of the previous century that had left Africans with only 7% of the land in the new Union of South Africa. But the Land Act entrenched this dispossession by preventing Africans from buying or renting land from whites, outlawing share-cropping and opening the way to the establishment of ‘reserves’, later known as Bantustans. It became a legal cornerstone of the segregationist project.

The ANC, founded the year before the Land Act was passed, was committed to the restoration of land to Africans. But it was the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU), founded on the docks in Cape Town in 1919 that became a mass movement of rural people. It claimed more than a hundred thousand members by 1927. But like all movements that rise on a tide of millennial fervour it didn’t take care of the details of organisation very well, or work out a viable strategy for achieving its goals, and its hopes were dashed on the unforgiving shores of South African reality.

There have been many rural struggles since then, perhaps most famously the Mpondo Revolt that began in 1960. But there has never been a rural movement, or sustained rural struggles, in the same way that there has been a trade union movement since the 1970s or on-going urban struggles since the 1980s.

When the transition from apartheid happened organised workers won significant gains from the new order in terms of their relationship to both the party and the state as a result of their impressive organisation. And when the ANC sought to return the state to an exclusionary and repressive mode of urban control rooted in the use of violence it confronted significant popular challenges that have blunted some of its more extreme excesses. But the ruling party has not confronted the same challenges in response to its embrace of a capital driven conception of rural development, an ineffective and market led response to the deracialistion of land ownership and an attempt to firm up the power of traditional authority in a manner that reinscribes the former Bantustans as a separate sphere of society in which there is a lesser form of citizenship.

Seetsele Modiri Molema, Plaatje’s first biographer, recalled the “silence of death” that fell over a meeting of African leaders held in Kimberley in 1914 when Plaatje, his voice trembling, explained that the Land Act would impoverish Africans and drive once prosperous people into wage labour. A hundred years later, social death or the idea of a spectral presence are not infrequently mobilised as metaphors to characterise the quality of life in the former Bantustans. This is not a matter of ‘delivery’ or ‘transformation’ taking longer than expected. As Anika Classenens has argued the ANC’s commitment to sustain a separate legal and political regime in the former Bantustans is actively “entrenching the Land Act’s legacy of dispossession and unequal citizenship”.

The ANC likes to suggest that the limits of its record in the countryside are rooted in the constraints imposed by the property clause in the Constitution. This manoeuvre enables it to simultaneously disavow responsibility for its own political choices, which have, in practice, been systemically in support of rural elites, black and white, and to mobilise support for the authoritarian agenda that has developed under Zuma. But the fact is that while the property clause does provide some limits to state action they are far from absolute. It does not, for instance, prevent expropriation.

Some of the sloganeering around the land question signifies little beyond the performance of its own sound and fury. But although there are genuinely complicated questions to be addressed in a country where arable land is in short supply, and in a world where agriculture is being rapidly corporatized, it is also true that overly technical and statist approaches to the land question miss an essential point which is that real change, in the countryside as anywhere else, is fundamentally a question of political will. Political will is usually a consequence of political pressure and political pressure in the interests of subordinated groups usually requires some form of effective organisation or disruption on the part of those groups. Until this is achieved it is difficult to imagine that the crushing weight of history will be lifted from our countryside.

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
12 June 2013 by Guest

Development of Grassridge Windfarm in Eastern Cape to Help Diversify South …

You are Trying to View a Free News Article Industry Segment: Power | Word Count: 328 Words SUGAR LAND–June 11, 2013–Researched by Industrial Info Resources (Sugar Land, Texas)–InnoWind (Pty) Limited (Eastern Cape, South Africa), a subsidiary of EDF Energies Nouvelles (Paris, France), plans to construct the Grassridge Windfarm Power Station, a 60-megawatt (MW) windfarm. The facility will …

You are Trying to View a Free News Article

Industry Segment: Power | Word Count: 328 Words

SUGAR LAND–June 11, 2013–Researched by Industrial Info Resources (Sugar Land, Texas)–InnoWind (Pty) Limited (Eastern Cape, South Africa), a subsidiary of EDF Energies Nouvelles (Paris, France), plans to construct the Grassridge Windfarm Power Station, a 60-megawatt (MW) windfarm. The facility will be built on commercial farm land 46 kilometers northwest of the rural town of Cradock, a local municipality of the Eastern Cape province. The total estimated value of this investment is $115 million.

  • Listen to Today’s News
  • Listen to Today’s News
  • Daily News RSS Feed
  • Daily News on iTunes

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
10 June 2013 by Guest

Unemployed man crafts steam trains out of junk

Kenneth Rossouw, 42, moved from Cradock in the Eastern Cape earlier this year to live with a relative in Roodepoort, after he lost his home, Beeld said. He said he had always loved trains and began painting them about three years ago. “I make my trains out of cardboard, wire, plastic pipes… anything.” He said …

Kenneth Rossouw, 42, moved from Cradock in the Eastern Cape earlier
this year to live with a relative in Roodepoort, after he lost his home, Beeld
said.

He said he had always loved trains and began painting them
about three years ago.

“I make my trains out of cardboard, wire, plastic
pipes… anything.”

He said it usually took him about three weeks to make one
and his standard model size was about one metre in length and weighed 2 kg.

The interior and exterior of each train is an exact replica
of a real one.

Rossouw said he had, thus far, made about 80 trains,
and he had received a few orders, at R3 000 per unit.

“I sell the trains as art. I see myself as an artist…
and I hope to have my own shop one day.”

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
4 June 2013 by Guest

All banks are green; logos are not

Standard Bank’s building, reminiscent of a massive fish tank, stands atop a ridge and is bordered by Baker Street, Bolton and Oxford Roads, and Cradock Avenue in Rosebank. It will bring 5,000 new workers to the commercial suburb and is only a longish cricket-hit from the Rosebank Gautrain station. “Staff will move in before the …

Standard Bank’s building, reminiscent of a massive fish tank, stands atop a ridge and is bordered by Baker Street, Bolton and Oxford Roads, and Cradock Avenue in Rosebank.

It will bring 5,000 new workers to the commercial suburb and is only a longish cricket-hit from the Rosebank Gautrain station.

“Staff will move in before the end of the month,” said Karin Ireton, Standard Bank’s head of sustainability management.

Though it won five stars for green design, maintaining the R2bn building in a green way will not be easy.

“We are confident it will achieve at least a four-star [green] rating once complete,” Ireton said.

In September, Absa moved into a new building in Johannesburg’s central business district that it said had the first “five-star as-built” green building rating given by the Green Building Council.

According to the council, a green building is energy- and resource-efficient, environmentally responsible and incorporates design, construction and operating practices that reduce or eliminate adverse effects on the environment and its occupants.

Absa Towers West contains an “energy centre which uses natural gas [generators] to provide electricity for the building,” Absa said.

“Absa employees do not see, hear or smell the energy centre, which operates between 7am and 8pm on weekdays with a high level of sound attenuation to prevent disturbance to the surrounding areas.”

Before Absa’s refurbishment, the second phase of Nedbank’s headquarters in Sandton won a four-star design rating. It was the first office building in the country to be rated according to the council’s green star system. Nedbank moved into the offices three years ago.

First National Bank and its vehicle financing unit Wesbank, moved about six years ago into a sprawling complex in Fairland, near the N1 and Beyers Naude Drive. Its green contribution was that the building’s sun screens were considered an energy saver at the time.

Source: The Times via I-Net Bridge

Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
24 May 2013 by Guest

Transnet moves on plan to build heavy-haul manganese corridor to Coega

A R2.3-billion project to upgrade the railways network from the manganese-rich Northern Cape province to the Port of Ngqura, in the Eastern Cape, has been approved, Transnet Freight Rail (TFR) CEO Siyabonga Gama revealed on Tuesday. Speaking at a business briefing organised by the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Gama said the investment was …

A R2.3-billion project to upgrade the railways network from the manganese-rich Northern Cape province to the Port of Ngqura, in the Eastern Cape, has been approved, Transnet Freight Rail (TFR) CEO Siyabonga Gama revealed on Tuesday.

Speaking at a business briefing organised by the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Gama said the investment was the first phase of a larger R27-billion railways and harbour investment programme aimed at eventually raising South Africa’s yearly manganese export capacity to 21-million tons.

The first-phase target, though, was to increase the yearly export capacity from around 5.5-million tons to 12-million tons by mid-2017, which would involve port and rail investments of around R15-billion.

In total, TFR would invest R10.8-billion between 2012/13 and 2018/19 on rolling stock and infrastructure to support the manganese-corridor project, which would become its third heavy-haul export channel after coal and iron-ore.

The manganese-related investment itself was also but one component of a larger R200-billion-plus TFR capital expenditure programme, representing two-thirds of the Transnet group’s R300-billion Market Demand Strategy to modernise and expand its rail, ports and pipelines businesses.

The manganese-related investment would be used to upgrade the rail network from Hotazel, in the Northern Cape, to Coega to enable it to support axel loads of 26 t – the route would pass through Postmasburg, Kimberley, De Aar and Cradock on the way to South Africa’s newest deep-water harbour.

In parallel, portside investments would be made to facilitate the relocation of the existing Port Elizabeth manganese terminal to an enlarged and scalable facility at the Coega Industrial Development Zone (IDZ), which is situated alongside the Port of Ngqura. There were also private-sector-led plans for a new manganese smelter to be established in the IDZ.

The option to export manganese out of Ngqura was selected ahead of an alternative proposal to use the existing iron-ore channel from the Northern Cape mines to Saldanha Bay, on the West Coast.

The Northern Cape is the epicentre of South Africa’s manganese mining activities, with both large and small mining entities either operating or building mines in the territory. These included BHP Billiton and Anglo American, through Samancor, African Rainbow Minerals and Assore, through Assmang, as well as emerging miners Kalagadi Manganese, Tshipi é Ntle, United Manganese of the Kalahari and Kudumane.

About 80% of the world’s known manganese resources, used to improve rust and corrosion properties of steel, are located in South Africa.

The first phase of the railways infrastructure upgrade would involve the doubling of certain sections and the introduction of new passing loops to accommodate 200-wagon trains, operated using dual-voltage locomotives.

A new export terminal would be developed at Ngqura in parallel, with the integrated system scheduled for completion by mid-2017.

“This is a new heavy-haul line that we are bringing to bear,” Gama enthused, adding that the project would require close collaboration with miners, as well as internally, between TFR and Transnet’s National Port Authority.

He also saw potential for private sector investment in common-user rail-loading facilities.

To subscribe to Mining Weekly’s print magazine email subscriptions@creamermedia.co.za or buy now.

FULL Access to Mining Weekly and Engineering News - Subscribe Now!

Subscribe Now Login
Category: NewsTag: cradock, news, online
  • Previous
  • Page 1
  • Interim pages omitted …
  • Page 37
  • Page 38
  • Page 39
  • Page 40
  • Page 41
  • Interim pages omitted …
  • Page 55
  • Next
WE LOVE CRADOCK.

COPYRIGHT MyCradock · DESIGN BY REACH TRUST
All Rights Reserved · Powered by Straton Solar